Conspicuous Consumption
pages:
1 |
2
Text length: 2,250 words
Excerpts from The Theory of the Leisure Class , Chaps. I and IV
by Thorstein Veblen
, 1899
Competition can take many forms - the needless and ostentatious destruction of resources can be an effective means of outdoing an opponent
Practices can outlast their initial utility - social customs, taboos, and ceremonies may continue to be observed even after the context in which they arose and made sense has disappeared
Keywords: Consumption, economics, leisure, ostentation, middle class, elite, materialism, satire, critique, labor, family, household, work, status, reputation, potlatch, taste, industry, wealth
|
 |
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
Summary
|
 |
 |
 |
n eccentric and outspoken social critic, Thorstein Veblen assailed laissez-faire economics and the role of big business in shaping modern culture. His first and most famous book, The Theory of the Leisure Class, is an incisive critique of consumerism. A historical and cultural analysis heavily tinged with satire, the book describes how leisure became the hallmark of the elite classes and the lengths undertaken to display this leisure in the most ostentatious ways.
He coined the enduring term “conspicuous consumption” to describe this materialistic mode of social existence. Throughout his works, Veblen describes the opposition between those who create wealth and those who consume it. He also points out the strange inversions of modern society in which middle class professionals work ceaselessly in order to keep up the appearance of leisure.
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
The Leisure Class
|
 |
|
 |
 |
he evidence afforded by the usages and cultural traits of communities at a low stage of development indicates that the institution of a leisure class has emerged gradually during the transition from primitive savagery to barbarism; or more precisely, during the transition from a peaceable to a consistently warlike habit of life. The conditions apparently necessary to its emergence in a consistent form are: (1) the community must be of a predatory habit of life (war or the hunting of large game or both); that is to say, the men, who constitute the inchoate leisure class in these cases, must be habituated to the infliction of injury by force and stratagem; (2) subsistence must be obtainable on sufficiently easy terms to admit of the exemption of a considerable portion of the community from steady application to a routine of labour. The institution of leisure class is the outgrowth of an early discrimination between employments, according to which some employments are worthy and others unworthy. Under this ancient distinction the worthy employments are those which may be classed as exploit; unworthy are those necessary everyday employments into which no appreciable element of exploit enters.
This distinction has but little obvious significance in a modern industrial community, and it has, therefore, received but slight attention at the hands of economic writers. When viewed in the light of that modern common sense which has guided economic discussion, it seems formal and insubstantial. But it persists with great tenacity as a commonplace preconception even in modern life, as is shown, for instance, by our habitual aversion to menial employments. It is a distinction of a personal kind -- of superiority and inferiority. In the earlier stages of culture, when the personal force of the individual counted more immediately and obviously in shaping the course of events, the element of exploit counted for more in the everyday scheme of life. Interest centred about this fact to a greater degree. Consequently a distinction proceeding on this ground seemed more imperative and more definitive then than is the case today. As a fact in the sequence of development, therefore, the distinction is a substantial one and rests on sufficiently valid and cogent grounds.
|
 |
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
Conspicuous consumption
|
 |
|
 |
 |
uring the earlier stages of economic development, consumption of goods without stint, especially consumption of the better grades of goods, -- ideally all consumption in excess of the subsistence minimum, -- pertains normally to the leisure class. This restriction tends to disappear, at least formally, after the later peaceable stage has been reached, with private ownership of goods and an industrial system based on wage labour or on the petty household economy. But during the earlier quasi-peaceable stage, when so many of the traditions through which the institution of a leisure class has affected the economic life of later times were taking form and consistency, this principle has had the force of a conventional law. It has served as the norm to which consumption has tended to conform, and any appreciable departure from it is to be regarded as an aberrant form, sure to be eliminated sooner or later in the further course of development.
The quasi-peaceable gentleman of leisure, then, not only consumes of the staff of life beyond the minimum required for subsistence and physical efficiency, but his consumption also undergoes a specialisation as regards the quality of the goods consumed. He consumes freely and of the best, in food, drink, narcotics, shelter, services, ornaments, apparel, weapons and accoutrements, amusements, amulets, and idols or divinities. In the process of gradual amelioration which takes place in the articles of his consumption, the motive principle and proximate aim of innovation is no doubt the higher efficiency of the improved and more elaborate products for personal comfort and well-being. But that does not remain the sole purpose of their consumption. The canon of reputability is at hand and seizes upon such innovations as are, according to its standard, fit to survive. Since the consumption of these more excellent goods is an evidence of wealth, it becomes honorific; and conversely, the failure to consume in due quantity and quality becomes a mark of inferiority and demerit.
This growth of punctilious discrimination as to qualitative excellence in eating, drinking, etc. presently affects not only the manner of life, but also the training and intellectual activity of the gentleman of leisure. He is no longer simply the successful, aggressive male, -- the man of strength, resource, and intrepidity. In order to avoid stultification he must also cultivate his tastes, for it now becomes incumbent on him to discriminate with some nicety between the noble and the ignoble in consumable goods. He becomes a connoisseur in creditable viands of various degrees of merit, in manly beverages and trinkets, in seemly apparel and architecture, in weapons, games, dancers, and the narcotics. This cultivation of aesthetic faculty requires time and application, and the demands made upon the gentleman in this direction therefore tend to change his life of leisure into a more or less arduous application to the business of learning how to live a life of ostensible leisure in a becoming way. Closely related to the requirement that the gentleman must consume freely and of the right kind of goods, there is the requirement that he must know how to consume them in a seemly manner. His life of leisure must be conducted in due form. Hence arise good manners in the way pointed out in an earlier chapter. High-bred manners and ways of living are items of conformity to the norm of conspicuous leisure and conspicuous consumption.
|
 |
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
1 |
2
number of pages: 2 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
|